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Wednesday, January 27, 2010

PEMBENTUKAN EMPAYAR



1. EMPAYAR INDIA.

Diasaskan oleh Chandraguta Maurya.
Pataliputra sebagai pusat pentadbiran.
Menguasai Magda mara kebahagian selatan Lembah Indus.
Menawan Gujerat, Rajasthan & Madya Pradesh.
Menewaskan Raja Selecus I. Merancang tawan Punjab.
Bindusara gantikan Chandraguta.



Bindusara menjalinkan hubungan diplomatik dengan pemerintah Hellenstik.
Bindusara digantikan dengan Asoka.
Pemerintah yang agong dalam sejarah India.
Dasar perluasan kuasa dijalankan dengan giat.
Gerakan menyebarkan agama budha dijalankan dengan giat.

Gerakan penyebaran agama Budha:
Mengadakan lawatan keseluruh negara.
Perbincangan agama.
Melantik Dharma Mahamatra.
Majlis Budha – menyelesaikan masalah.
Menghantar misi keagamaan.
Mengukir doktrin budha di batu-batu.
Memperkenalkan agama Budha dalam kehidupan.
Menghentikan amalan memakan daging.

Penaklukan secara kekerasan selepas perang dengan Kalinga.
Chandaragupta & Bindusara – Kaedah Righteouness.
Mengambil langkah menjaga kebajikan & moral rakyat.

Recommended Books

A History of Ancient India, by L.P. Sharma, 1992
A History of India, 4th Edition, by Hermann Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund, 1998
A New History of India, 5th Edition, by Stanley A. Wolpert, 1997

Wednesday, January 20, 2010

SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN DAN PENTADBIRAN DI SUMERIA ATAU MESOPOTAMIA



Institutions and practices, Ensi and Lugal



It appears that Sumerian rulers were first known as Ensi while military leaders were called Lugal. After a period of time, the military leaders became kings and the new title for them was ensi-lugal. They were king, military and religious leaders all at the same time.

City-state and national state

In early dynastic times, probably as far back as historians can trace its history, Mesopotamia was divided into small units, the so-called city-states, consisting of a major city with its surrounding lands. The ruler of the city--usually entitled ensi--was also in charge of the temple of the city god. The spouse of the ensi had charge of the temple of the city goddess, and the children of the ensi administered the temples of the deities who were regarded as children of the city god and the city goddesses. After the foundation of larger political units, such as leagues or empires, contributions were made to a central temple of the political unit, such as the temple of Enlil at Nippur in the Nippur league. On the other hand, however, the king or other central ruler might also contribute to the shrines of local cults. When, in the 2nd and 1st millennia, Babylonia and Assyria emerged as national states, their kings had responsibility for the national cult, and each monarch supervised the administration of all temples in his domain.

Emergent city-states


Kish must have played a major role almost from the beginning. After 2500, southern Babylonian rulers, such as Mesannepada of Ur and Eannatum of Lagash, frequently called themselves king of Kish when laying claim to sovereignty over northern Babylonia. This does not agree with some recent histories in which Kish is represented as an archaic "empire." It is more likely to have figured as representative of the north, calling forth perhaps the same geographic connotation later evoked by "the land of Akkad."

Although the corpus of inscriptions grows richer both in geographic distribution and in point of chronology in the 27th and increasingly so in the 26th century, it is still impossible to find the key to a plausible historical account, and history cannot be written solely on the basis of archaeological findings. Unless clarified by written documents, such findings contain as many riddles as they seem to offer solutions. This applies even to as spectacular a discovery as that of the royal tombs of Ur with their hecatombs (large-scale sacrifices) of retainers who followed their king and queen to the grave, not to mention the elaborate funerary appointments with their inventory of tombs. It is only from about 2520 to the beginnings of the dynasty of Akkad that history can be written within a framework, with the aid of reports about the city-state of Lagash and its capital of Girsu and its relations with its neighbour and rival, Umma.

Sources for this are, on the one hand, an extensive corpus of inscriptions relating to nine rulers, telling of the buildings they constructed, of their institutions and wars, and, in the case of UruKAgina, of their "social" measures. On the other hand, there is the archive of some 1,200 tablets--insofar as these have been published--from the temple of Baba, the city goddess of Girsu, from the period of Lugalanda and UruKAgina (first half of the 24th century). For generations, Lagash and Umma contested the possession and agricultural usufruct of the fertile region of Gu'edena. To begin with, some two generations before Ur-Nanshe, Mesilim (another "king of Kish") had intervened as arbiter and possibly overlord in dictating to both states the course of the boundary between them, but this was not effective for long. After a prolonged struggle, Eannatum forced the ruler of Umma, by having him take an involved oath to six divinities, to desist from crossing the old border, a dike. The text that relates this event, with considerable literary elaboration, is found on the Stele of Vultures. These battles, favouring now one side, now the other, continued under Eannatum's successors, in particular Entemena, until, under UruKAgina, great damage was done to the land of Lagash and to its holy places. The enemy, Lugalzagesi, was vanquished in turn by Sargon of Akkad. The rivalry between Lagash and Umma, however, must not be considered in isolation. Other cities, too, are occasionally named as enemies, and the whole situation resembles the pattern of changing coalitions and short-lived alliances between cities of more recent times. Kish, Umma, and distant Mari on the middle Euphrates are listed together on one occasion as early as the time of Eannatum. For the most part, these battles were fought by infantry, although mention is also made of war chariots drawn by onagers (wild asses).


The lords of Lagash rarely fail to call themselves by the title of ensi, of as yet undetermined derivation; "city ruler," or "prince," are only approximate translations. Only seldom do they call themselves lugal, or "king," the title given the rulers of Umma in their own inscriptions. In all likelihood, these were local titles that were eventually converted, beginning perhaps with the kings of Akkad, into a hierarchy in which the lugal took precedence over the ensi.

Institutions and practices, Ensi and Lugal

It appears that Sumerian rulers were first known as Ensi while military leaders were called Lugal. After a period of time, the military leaders became kings and the new title for them was ensi-lugal. They were king, military and religious leaders all at the same time.

City-state and national state

In early dynastic times, probably as far back as historians can trace its history, Mesopotamia was divided into small units, the so-called city-states, consisting of a major city with its surrounding lands. The ruler of the city--usually entitled ensi--was also in charge of the temple of the city god. The spouse of the ensi had charge of the temple of the city goddess, and the children of the ensi administered the temples of the deities who were regarded as children of the city god and the city goddesses. After the foundation of larger political units, such as leagues or empires, contributions were made to a central temple of the political unit, such as the temple of Enlil at Nippur in the Nippur league. On the other hand, however, the king or other central ruler might also contribute to the shrines of local cults. When, in the 2nd and 1st millennia, Babylonia and Assyria emerged as national states, their kings had responsibility for the national cult, and each monarch supervised the administration of all temples in his domain.

Emergent city-states


Kish must have played a major role almost from the beginning. After 2500, southern Babylonian rulers, such as Mesannepada of Ur and Eannatum of Lagash, frequently called themselves king of Kish when laying claim to sovereignty over northern Babylonia. This does not agree with some recent histories in which Kish is represented as an archaic "empire." It is more likely to have figured as representative of the north, calling forth perhaps the same geographic connotation later evoked by "the land of Akkad."

Although the corpus of inscriptions grows richer both in geographic distribution and in point of chronology in the 27th and increasingly so in the 26th century, it is still impossible to find the key to a plausible historical account, and history cannot be written solely on the basis of archaeological findings. Unless clarified by written documents, such findings contain as many riddles as they seem to offer solutions. This applies even to as spectacular a discovery as that of the royal tombs of Ur with their hecatombs (large-scale sacrifices) of retainers who followed their king and queen to the grave, not to mention the elaborate funerary appointments with their inventory of tombs. It is only from about 2520 to the beginnings of the dynasty of Akkad that history can be written within a framework, with the aid of reports about the city-state of Lagash and its capital of Girsu and its relations with its neighbour and rival, Umma.

Sources for this are, on the one hand, an extensive corpus of inscriptions relating to nine rulers, telling of the buildings they constructed, of their institutions and wars, and, in the case of UruKAgina, of their "social" measures. On the other hand, there is the archive of some 1,200 tablets--insofar as these have been published--from the temple of Baba, the city goddess of Girsu, from the period of Lugalanda and UruKAgina (first half of the 24th century). For generations, Lagash and Umma contested the possession and agricultural usufruct of the fertile region of Gu'edena. To begin with, some two generations before Ur-Nanshe, Mesilim (another "king of Kish") had intervened as arbiter and possibly overlord in dictating to both states the course of the boundary between them, but this was not effective for long. After a prolonged struggle, Eannatum forced the ruler of Umma, by having him take an involved oath to six divinities, to desist from crossing the old border, a dike. The text that relates this event, with considerable literary elaboration, is found on the Stele of Vultures. These battles, favouring now one side, now the other, continued under Eannatum's successors, in particular Entemena, until, under UruKAgina, great damage was done to the land of Lagash and to its holy places. The enemy, Lugalzagesi, was vanquished in turn by Sargon of Akkad. The rivalry between Lagash and Umma, however, must not be considered in isolation. Other cities, too, are occasionally named as enemies, and the whole situation resembles the pattern of changing coalitions and short-lived alliances between cities of more recent times. Kish, Umma, and distant Mari on the middle Euphrates are listed together on one occasion as early as the time of Eannatum. For the most part, these battles were fought by infantry, although mention is also made of war chariots drawn by onagers (wild asses).


The lords of Lagash rarely fail to call themselves by the title of ensi, of as yet undetermined derivation; "city ruler," or "prince," are only approximate translations. Only seldom do they call themselves lugal, or "king," the title given the rulers of Umma in their own inscriptions. In all likelihood, these were local titles that were eventually converted, beginning perhaps with the kings of Akkad, into a hierarchy in which the lugal took precedence over the ensi.